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Up next in this AANZCA 2024 conference session is Agata Stepnik, whose interest is in stakeholder perspectives on the sustainability of commercial and publicly-funded news production in Australia. Her project is engaging in interviews with stakeholder groups – publishers, policy-makers, journalists, advertisers, and platform operators – and explores how they have conceptualised news media’s digital transformation since the emergence of Web publishing in the 1990s, and what futures for news production they envisage.

Across all these interviews there was a strong recognition of the social and institutional value of news to democracy; however, news was also strongly positioned as a …

The first paper session I’m attending at the AANZCA 2024 conference is a panel on democracy in crisis, and starts with my QUT colleague Stephen Harrington. His focus is on ‘dark political communication’, as a way of moving past the overemphasis on mis- and disinformation and recognising that such practices are just one part of a much broader range of communicative dysfunctions in contemporary political systems.

This then also incorporates a greater focus on recent changes in political PR: political PR has been a growing focus in the study of politics in recent decades, with attention paid to its arrangements …

It’s late in November, and I’m at my penultimate conference for the year: we’re about to begin the AANZCA 2024 conference with a remote keynote by the great Pablo Boczkowski. He starts by sharing two selfies: one, entering the 2024 Democratic National Convention, which nominated the Harris/Walz presidential ticket; that event addressed several internal and external publics, including journalists, influencers, delegates, voters, and the general public. It was characterised by an atmosphere of expectation and enthusiasm, choreographed to lead up to the actual nomination itself.

The second selfie is from fieldwork in Buenos Aires, which has the highest concentration of …

And the final speaker in this final AoIR 2024 conference session is the excellent Fabio Giglietto, whose focus is on coding Italian news data using Large Language Models. This worked with some 85,000 news articles shared on Facebook during the 2018 and 2022 Italian elections, and first classified such URLs as political or non-political; it then produced and clustered text embeddings for these articles, and used GPT-4-turbo to classify the dominant topics in these clusters.

This required considerable prompt crafting, especially also to ensure that prompts remained within the LLM’s token limits. Key challenges here included the choice of LLM …

The next speaker in this final AoIR 2024 conference session is the great Hendrik Meyer, whose interest is in detecting stances in climate change coverage. This focusses especially on climate change debates in German news media, focussing on climate protests, discussions about speed limits, and discussions about heating and heat pump regulations.

Here stances might be better understood as evaluations related to a given issue or policy, and Large Language Models can be useful tools in assessing this, but this also requires considerable prompt crafting in order to generate consistent results. Computational costs for doing so (especially with complex prompts) …

The next speaker in this session at the AoIR 2024 conference is my QUT colleague Tariq Choucair, whose focus is especially on the use of LLMs in stance detection in news content. A stance is a public act by a social actors, achieved dialogically through communication, which evaluates objects, positions the self and other subjects, and aligns with other subjects within a sociocultural field.

Here, the focus is broadly on stances towards issues, persons, groups, and organisations. There are some tools for doing so, but they mainly focus on English-language content, are designed for specific types of data, and tend …

The second speaker in this final session at the AoIR 2024 conference is Bruna Silveira de Oliveira, whose focus is on using LLMs to study content in the Brazilian manosphere. Extremist groups in this space seek legitimisation, and the question here is whether LLMs can be used productively to analyse their posts.

This analysis focusses on some 2,500 episodes of Brazilian masculinist podcasts across ten streaming platforms. It engaged in an assisted content analysis using OpenAI’s GPT-4 model, and explored whether this could identify detailed variables in the content. The podcast episodes were transcribed using automated tools, and 52 episodes …

The final (!) session at this wonderful AoIR 2024 conference is on content analysis, and starts with Ahrabhi Kathirgamalingam. Her interest is especially on questions of agreement and disagreement between content codings; the gold standard here has for a long time been intercoder reliability, but this tends to presume a single ground truth which may not exist in all coding contexts.

The concept of ‘constructs of marginalisation’ might be useful here: marginalised people are underrepresented; existing structural power defines who defines such constructs; they are historically and culturally shaped; and explicit as well as ambiguous and evasive language that discriminates …

I presented in and chaired the Saturday morning session at the AoIR 2024 conference, which was on polarisation in news publishing and engagement, so no liveblogging this time. However, here are the slides from the three presentations that our various teams and I were involved in.

We started with my QUT DMRC colleague Laura Vodden, who discussed our plans for manual and automated content coding of news content for indicators of polarisation, and especially highlighted the surprising difficulties in getting access to quality and comprehensive news content data:

I …

The final presenter in this AoIR 2024 conference session is Marc Tuters, whose focus is on the Russian weaponisation of digital diplomacy in the context of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russian propaganda media like RT and have largely been banned in Europe, but Russian embassy and diplomatic accounts continue to operate with impunity on social media platforms (even though they do not have any right to diplomatic immunity here), and this project gathered data on these embassies’ posts from Telegram.

Most of these embassy accounts began posting frequently after the start of the full-scale invasion, and they frequently repost content from a small number of Russian state accounts. Topics in such posts include hard propaganda (disinformation about Ukraine and patriotic material about the war); broader discussions about a multipolar world order and western neocolonialism, as well as the ‘golden billion’ conspiracy theory; and a new Cold War.

Many such embassies are actively targetting countries in the Global South; Marc highlights the exceptional engagement level around the Russian embassy in Bangladesh as an example here, which posted a range of variously Anti-Semitic and anti-American material, highlighted the friendship between Russia and China, and engaged in a variety of typical far-right culture war arguments.

This weaponisation of global diplomacy is playing out on a global scale, and has a memeish cultural dimension. The Kremlin can be understood as an ambient amplifier here.